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[精選]英語演講稿

　　演講稿可以起到整理演講者的思路、提示演講的內容、限定演講的速度的作用。在當今社會生活中，很多地方都會使用到演講稿，來參考自己需要的演講稿吧！以下是小編收集整理的英語演講稿，供大家參考借鑒，希望可以幫助到有需要的朋友。

[精選]英語演講稿

英語演講稿1

　　，有時候，我會觀看英語卡通片.它很有趣.接著我發現語言的美麗，開始了我在英語世界里豐富多彩的的夢.

　　我希望總有一天我能夠在世界各地旅游.我要到美國華盛頓訪問，因為我的表哥是在那里.當然，我要到倫敦，因為英國是英語語言的發源地.如果我能在劍橋大學騎上我的自行車，我會很高興的.

　　我希望我能夠與世界上每一個人說流利的`英語.同時，我對他們來介紹一下中國，如長城和蘇州園林.我會教世界人民了解我們國家美麗的語言.

　　我喜歡英語.學英語實在是太好了.曾經我想成為一名英語教師.我也喜歡中國文學.當我年輕的時候，我能記住大量的詩歌.我也想成為一名教師的中文.現在我認為我的夢想可以成真：我將能夠使用英語教外國朋友中文和與他們分享中華文化.使越來越多的人們將能夠結識五千年的歷史文化，繁榮我們偉大的中國.

　　我的未來不是夢.我深信它會成真!

英語演講稿2

尊敬的各位領導、老師：

　　大家下午好！我叫xx，原來在xx小學工作，近幾年來一直從事小學英語的教學，今年因工作調動，調整到我們xx小學工作，我感到非常的高興，同時，也非常感謝我們學校領導能給我這樣一次展示自我、成就自我的機會。我今天我競聘的崗位是三、四年級的英語教學。

　　首先我說一下自己的基本情況和工作業績：我xx年畢業于xx師專數學系，后分配到xx中學從事數學教學，xx年開始改教初中英語，xx年因身體狀況，調入小學從事小學英語教學至今，xx年自考大學本科畢業，xx年被評為中學一級教師。

　　自工作以來，我一直兢兢業業，勤奮工作，所教科目成績一直據全鎮前列，特別是近幾年來從事小學英語教學，所教班級多次獲得全鎮第一名，個人也多次被評為鎮教育先進工作者、優秀教師，區優秀教師，個人年考核優秀等次的榮譽稱號，并有多篇論文在市級報紙發表。

　　下面我談一下，我競聘英語教師的幾個優勢和條件：

　　1。有良好的師德

　　我為人處事的原則是：老老實實做人，認認真真工作，開開心心生活。自己一貫注重個人品德素質的培養，努力做到尊重領導，團結同志，工作負責，辦事公道，不計較個人得失，對工作對同志有公心，愛心，平常心和寬容心。自從參加工作以來，我首先在師德上嚴格要求自己，要做一個合格的人民教師！認真學習和領會上級教育主管部門的文件精神，與時俱進，愛崗敬業，為人師表，熱愛學生，尊重學生，爭取讓每個學生都能享受到最好的教育，都能有不同程度的發

　　2。有較高的專業水平

　　我從xx師專數學系畢業后曾到xx師范大學進修英語教學培訓，系統而又牢固地掌握了英語教學的專業知識。多年來始終在教學第一線致力于小學英語教學及研究，使自己的'專業知識得到進一步充實、更新和擴展。

　　3。有較強的教學能力

　　從選擇教師這門職業的第一天起，我最大的心愿就是做一名受學生歡迎的好老師，為了這個心愿，我一直在不懈努力著。要求自己做到牢固掌握本學科的基本理論知識。

　　熟悉相關學科的文化知識，不斷更新知識結構，精通業務，精心施教，把握好教學的難點重點，認真探索教學規律，鉆研教學藝術，努力形成自己的教學特色。我的教學風格和教學效果普遍受到學生的認可和歡迎。

　　以上所述情況，是我競聘英語教師的優勢條件，假如我有幸競聘上崗，這些優勢條件將有助于我更好的開展英語教學工作。

　　如果我有幸競聘成功，能擔任三四年級英語教師的話，我將從以下方面開展工作。

　　一是認真貫徹執行黨的教育路線、方針、政策和學校的各項決定，加強學習，積極進取，求真務實，開拓創新，不斷提高自己的綜合素質、創新能力，用自己的勤奮加智慧，完成好教學任務。使我校的英語教學上一個大的臺階。

　　二是做一個科研型的教師。教師的從教之日，正是重新學習之時。新時代要求教師具備的不只是操作技巧，還要有直面新情況、分析新問題、解決新矛盾的本領。進行目標明確、有針對性解決我校的英語教學難題。

　　做一個理念新的教師

　　目前，新一輪的基礎教育改革早已在我市全面推開，作為新課改的實踐者，要在認真學習新課程理念的基礎上，結合自己所教的學科，積極探索有效的教學方法。大力改革教學，積極探索實施創新教學模式。把英語知識與學生的生活相結合，為學生創設一個富有生活氣息的真實的學習情境，同時注重學生的探究發現，引導學生在學習中學會合作交流，提高學習能力。

　　做一個富有愛心的老師

　　“不愛學生就教不好學生”，“愛學生就要愛每一個學生”。作為一名教師，要無私地奉獻愛，處處播灑愛，使我的學生在愛的激勵下，增強自信，勇于創新，不斷進取，成長為撐起祖國一片藍天的棟梁。用質樸的心愛護學生，用誠摯的情感染學生，用精湛的教學藝術熏陶學生，用忘我的工作態度影響學生。

　　尊敬的各位領導，各位老師，我會珍惜現有的每一個機會，努力工作，發揮出自己的最大能力，以高尚的情操、飽滿的熱情上好自己的英語課程，享受我的教學樂趣！

　　最后我想說：做教師，我無悔！做英語教師，我快樂！

英語演講稿3

　　good morning, my dear teachers and my is my great pleasure to stand here to introduce my k you for your listening. Good afternoon,teachers and my follew y i am going to talk about " my dream "

英語演講稿4

　　good Evening:

　　This a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for President of the United States. I promised you a President who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams, and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.

　　during the past three years I’ve spoken to you on many occasions about national concerns, the energy crisis, reorganizing the government, our nation’s economy, and issues of war and especially peace. But over those years the subjects of the speeches, the talks, and the press conferences have become increasingly narrow, focused more and more on what the isolated world ofwashingtonthinks is important. gradually, you’ve heard more and more about what the government thinks or what the government should be doing and less and less about our nation’s hopes, our dreams, and our vision of the future.

　　Ten days ago, I had planned to speak to you again about a very important subject -- energy. For the fifth time I would have described the urgency of the problem and laid out a series of legislative recommendations to the congress. But as I was preparing to speak, I began to ask myself the same question that I now know has been troubling many of you: why have we not been able to get together as a nation to resolve our serious energy problem?

　　It’s clear that the true problems of our nation are much deeper -- deeper than gasoline lines or energy shortages, deeper even than inflation or recession. And I realize more than ever that as President I need your help. So, I decided to reach out and to listen to the voices ofAmerica.

　　I invited tocamp davidpeople from almost every segment of our society -- business and labor, teachers and preachers, governors, mayors, and private citizens. And then I leftcamp davidto listen to other Americans, men and women like you. It has been an extraordinary ten days, and I want to share with you what I’ve heard.

　　First of all, I got a lot of personal advice. Let me quote a few of the tyhttps://p.9136.com/2dments that I wrote down.

　　This from a southern governor: “mr. President, you are not leading this nation -- you’re just managing the government.”

　　“You don’t see the people enough anymore.”

　　“Some of your cabinet members don’t seem loyal. There is not enough discipline among your disciples.”

　　“don’t talk to us about politics or the mechanics of government, but about an understanding of our common good.”

　　“mr. President, we’re in trouble. Talk to us about blood and sweat and tears.”

　　“If you lead, mr. President, we will follow.”

　　many people talked about themselves and about the condition of our nation. This from a young woman inPennsylvania: “I feel so far from government. I feel like ordinary people are excluded from political power.”

　　And this from a young chicano: “Some of us have suffered from recession all our lives.”

　　“Some people have wasted energy, but others haven’t had anything to waste.”

　　And this from a religious leader: “No material shortage can touch the important things like god’s love for us or our love for one another.”

　　And I like this one particularly from a black woman who happens to be the mayor of a smallmississippitown: “The big shots are not the only ones who are important. Remember, you can’t sell anything on wall Street unless someone digs it up somewhere else first.”

　　This kind of summarized a lot of other statements: “mr. President, we are confronted with a moral and a spiritual crisis.”

　　Several of our discussions were on energy, and I have a notebook full of comments and advice. I’ll read just a few.

　　“we can’t go on consuming forty percent more energy then we produce. when we import oil we are also importing inflation plus unemployment.”

　　“we’ve got to use what we have. The middle East has only five percent of the world’s energy, but theUnited Stateshas twenty-four percent.”

　　And this is one of the most vivid statements: “our neck is stretched over the fence and oPEc has a knife.”

　　“There will be other cartels and other shortages. American wisdom and courage right now can set a path to follow in the future.”

　　This was a good one: “Be bold, mr. President. we may make mistakes, but we are ready to experiment.”

　　And this one from a labor leader got to the heart of it: “The real issue is freedom. we must deal with the energy problem on a war footing.”

　　And the last that I’ll read: “when we enter the moral equivalent of war, mr. President, don’t issue us BB guns.”

　　These ten days confirmed my belief in the decency and the strength and the wisdom of the American people, but it also bore out some of my longstanding concerns about our nation’s underlying problems.

　　I know, of course, being President, that government actions and legislation can be very important. That’s why I’ve worked hard to put my campaign promises into law, and I have to admit, with just mixed success. But after listening to the American people, I have been reminded again that all the legislation in the world can’t fix what’s wrong with America. So, I want to speak to you first tonight about a subject even more serious than energy or inflation. I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy.

　　I do not mean our political and civil liberties. They will endure. And I do not refer to the outward strength of America, a nation that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world, with unmatched economic power and military might.

　　The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways.

　　It is a crisis of confidence.

　　It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. we can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation.

　　The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of America.

　　The confidence that we have always had as a people is not simply some romantic dream or a proverb in a dusty book that we read just on the Fourth of July. It is the idea which founded our nation and has guided our development as a people. confidence in the future has supported everything else -- public institutions and private enterprise, our own families, and the very constitution of the United States. confidence has defined our course and has served as a link between generations. we’ve always believed in something called progress. we’ve always had a faith that the days of our children would be better than our own.

　　our people are losing that faith, not only in government itself but in the ability as citizens to serve as the ultimate rulers and shapers of our democracy. As a people we know our past and we are proud of it. our progress has been part of the living history of America, even the world. we always believed that we were part of a great movement of humanity itself called democracy, involved in the search for freedom; and that belief has always strengthened us in our purpose. But just as we are losing our confidence in the future, we are also beginning to close the door on our past.

　　In a nation that was proud of hard work, strong families, close-knit communities, and our faith in god, too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption. Human identity is no longer defined by what one does, but by what one owns. But we’ve discovered that owning things and consuming things does not satisfy our longing for meaning. we’ve learned that piling up material goods cannot fill the emptiness of lives which have no confidence or purpose.

　　The symptoms of this crisis of the American spirit are all around us. For the first time in the history of our country a majority of our people believe that the next five years will be worse than the past five years. Two-thirds of our people do not even vote. The productivity of American workers is actually dropping, and the willingness of Americans to save for the future has fallen below that of all other people in the western world.

　　As you know, there is a growing disrespect for government and for churches and for schools, the news media, and other institutions. This is not a message of happiness or reassurance, but it is the truth and it is a warning.

　　These changes did not happen overnight. They’ve come upon us gradually over the last generation, years that were filled with shocks and tragedy.

　　we were sure that ours was a nation of the ballot, not the bullet, until the murders of John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy and martin Luther King, Jr. we were taught that our armies were always invincible and our causes were always just, only to suffer the agony of Vietnam. we respected the Presidency as a place of honor until the shock of watergate.

　　we remember when the phrase “sound as a dollar” was an expression of absolute dependability, until ten years of inflation began to shrink our dollar and our savings. we believed that our nation’s resources were limitless until 1973 when we had to face a growing dependence on foreign oil.

　　These wounds are still very deep. They have never been healed.

　　Looking for a way out of this crisis, our people have turned to the Federal government and found it isolated from the mainstream of our nation’s life. washington, d.c., has become an island. The gap between our citizens and our government has never been so wide. The people are looking for honest answers, not easy answers; clear leadership, not false claims and evasiveness and politics as usual.

　　what you see too often in washington and elsewhere around the country is a system of government that seems incapable of action. You see a congress twisted and pulled in every direction by hundreds of well-financed and powerful special interests.

　　You see every extreme position defended to the last vote, almost to the last breath by one unyielding group or another. You often see a balanced and a fair approach that demands sacrifice, a little sacrifice from everyone, abandoned like an orphan without support and without friends.

　　often you see paralysis and stagnation and drift. You don’t like it, and neither do I. what can we do?

　　First of all, we must face the truth, and then we can change our course. we simply must have faith in each other, faith in our ability to govern ourselves, and faith in the future of this nation. Restoring that faith and that confidence to America is now the most important task we face. It is a true challenge of this generation of Americans.

　　one of the visitors to camp david last week put it this way: “we’ve got to stop crying and start sweating, stop talking and start walking, stop cursing and start praying. The strength we need will not come from the white House, but from every house in America.”

　　we know the strength of America. we are strong. we can regain our unity. we can regain our confidence. we are the heirs of generations who survived threats much more powerful and awesome than those that challenge us now. our fathers and mothers were strong men and women who shaped a new society during the great depression, who fought world wars and who carved out a new charter of peace for the world.

　　we ourselves are the same Americans who just ten years ago put a man on the moon. we are the generation that dedicated our society to the pursuit of human rights and equality. And we are the generation that will win the war on the energy problem and in that process, rebuild the unity and confidence of America.

　　we are at a turning point in our history. There are two paths to choose. one is a path I’ve warned about tonight, the path that leads to fragmentation and self-interest. down that road lies a mistaken idea of freedom, the right to grasp for ourselves some advantage over others. That path would be one of constant conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility. It is a certain route to failure.

　　All the traditions of our past, all the lessons of our heritage, all the promises of our future point to another path -- the path of common purpose and the restoration of American values. That path leads to true freedom for our nation and ourselves. we can take the first steps down that path as we begin to solve our energy problem.

　　Energy will be the immediate test of our ability to unite this nation, and it can also be the standard around which we rally. on the battlefield of energy we can win for our nation a new confidence, and we can seize control again of our common destiny.

　　*In little more than two decades we’ve gone from a position of energy independence to one in which almost half the oil we use comes from foreign countries,* at prices that are going through the roof. our excessive dependence on oPEc has already taken a tremendous toll on our economy and our people. This is the direct cause of the long lines which have made millions of you spend aggravating hours waiting for gasoline. It’s a cause of the increased inflation and unemployment that we now face. This intolerable dependence on foreign oil threatens our economic independence and the very security of our nation.

　　The energy crisis is real. It is worldwide. It is a clear and present danger to our nation. These are facts and we simply must face them.

　　what I have to say to you now about energy is simple and vitally important.

　　Point one: I am tonight setting a clear goal for the energy policy of the United States. Beginning this moment, this nation will never use more foreign oil than we did in 1977-- never. From now on, every new addition to our demand for energy will be met from our own production and our own conservation. The generation-long growth in our dependence on foreign oil will be stopped dead in its tracks right now and then reversed as we move through the 1980s, for I am tonight setting the further goal of cutting our dependence on foreign oil by one-half by the end of the next decade -- a saving of over four and a half million barrels of imported oil per day.

　　Point two: To ensure that we meet these targets, I will use my presidential authority to set import quotas. I’m announcing tonight that for 1979 and 1980, I will forbid the entry into this country of one drop of foreign oil more than these goals allow. These quotas will ensure a reduction in imports even below the ambitious levels we set at the recent Tokyo summit.

　　Point three: To give us energy security, I am asking for the most massive peacetime commitment of funds and resources in our nation’s history to develop America’s own alternative sources of fuel -- from coal, from oil shale, from plant products for gasohol, from unconventional gas, from the sun.

　　I propose the creation of an energy security corporation to lead this effort to replace two and a half million barrels of imported oil per day by 1990. The corporation will issue up to five billion dollars in energy bonds, and I especially want them to be in small denominations so average Americans can invest directly in America’s energy security.

　　Just as a similar synthetic rubber corporation helped us win world war II, so will we mobilize American determination and ability to win the energy war. moreover, I will soon submit legislation to congress calling for the creation of this nation’s first solar bank which will help us achieve the crucial goal of twenty percent of our energy coming from solar power by the year 20xx.

　　These efforts will cost money, a lot of money, and that is why congress must enact the windfall profits tax without delay. It will be money well spent. Unlike the billions of dollars that we ship to foreign countries to pay for foreign oil, these funds will be paid by Americans, to Americans. These will go to fight, not to increase, inflation and unemployment.

　　Point four: I’m asking congress to mandate, to require as a matter of law, that our nation’s utility companies cut their massive use of oil by fifty percent within the next decade and switch to other fuels, especially coal, our most abundant energy source.

　　Point five: To make absolutely certain that nothing stands in the way of achieving these goals, I will urge congress to create an energy mobilization board which, like the war Production Board in world war II, will have the responsibility and authority to cut through the red tape, the delays, and the endless roadblocks to completing key energy projects.

　　we will protect our environment. But when this nation critically needs a refinery or a pipeline, we will build it.

　　Point six: I’m proposing a bold conservation program to involve every state, county, and city and every average American in our energy battle. This effort will permit you to build conservation into your homes and your lives at a cost you can afford.

　　I ask congress to give me authority for mandatory conservation and for standby gasoline rationing. To further conserve energy, I’m proposing tonight an extra ten billion dollars over the next decade to strengthen our public transportation systems. And I’m asking you for your good and for your nation’s security to take no unnecessary trips, to use carpools or public transportation whenever you can, to park your car one extra day per week, to obey the speed limit, and to set your thermostats to save fuel. Every act of energy conservation like this is more than just common sense, I tell you it is an act of patriotism.

　　our nation must be fair to the poorest among us, so we will increase aid to needy Americans to cope with rising energy prices. we often think of conservation only in terms of sacrifice. In fact, it is the most painless and immediate ways of rebuilding our nation’s strength. Every gallon of oil each one of us saves is a new form of production. It gives us more freedom, more confidence, that much more control over our own lives.

　　So, the solution of our energy crisis can also help us to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country. It can rekindle our sense of unity, our confidence in the future, and give our nation and all of us individually a new sense of purpose.

　　You know we can do it. we have the natural resources. we have more oil in our shale alone than several Saudi Arabias. we have more coal than any nation on earth. we have the world’s highest level of technology. we have the most skilled work force, with innovative genius, and I firmly believe that we have the national will to win this war.

　　I do not promise you that this struggle for freedom will be easy. I do not promise a quick way out of our nation’s problems, when the truth is that the only way out is an all-out effort. what I do promise you is that I will lead our fight, and I will enforce fairness in our struggle, and I will ensure honesty. And above all, I will act.

　　we can manage the short-term shortages more effectively, and we will; but there are no short-term solutions to our long-range problems. There is simply no way to avoid sacrifice.

　　Twelve hours from now I will speak again in Kansas city, to expand and to explain further our energy program. Just as the search for solutions to our energy shortages has now led us to a new awareness of our nation’s deeper problems, so our willingness to work for those solutions in energy can strengthen us to attack those deeper problems.

　　I will continue to travel this country, to hear the people of America. You can help me to develop a national agenda for the 1980s. I will listen; and I will act. we will act together.

　　These were the promises I made three years ago, and I intend to keep them.

　　Little by little we can and we must rebuild our confidence. we can spend until we empty our treasuries, and we may summon all the wonders of science. But we can succeed only if we tap our greatest resources -- America’s people, America’s values, and America’s confidence.

　　I have seen the strength of America in the inexhaustible resources of our people. In the days to come, let us renew that strength in the struggle for an energy-secure nation.

　　In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. with god’s help and for the sake of our nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. working together with our common faith we cannot fail.

　　Thank you and good night.

英語演講稿5

親愛的老師和同學們：

　　我很高興在這里說點什么。這時，我想談談我的愛好。

　　我有很多愛好。首先，我喜歡玩電子游戲。電腦游戲很酷。我可以玩一整天。第二，我喜歡各種運動。我喜歡新鮮空氣和陽光。和朋友踢足球很有趣。

　　在海里游泳是我最喜歡的`。我也喜歡在家畫畫。此外，我喜歡音樂。我喜歡唱歌。我經常在街上散步時唱電影歌曲。當然，我每天都學英語。如你所知，英語在世界各地都被使用。所以我學英語很努力。我希望有一天我能環游世界，和外國人說英語。

　　還有更多我喜歡做的。還有我想說的。也許下次我可以告訴你更多。謝謝大家的傾聽。

英語演講稿6

　　I have a wonderful dream in my heart。 It's to speak English very well。Since English is everything for me。 English is my best friend.English is mysoul。 English is my power。 Without English，I'm nothing at all。 Nothing。 Now，Ican think in English，speak in English，and write in English. Some people thinkI'm an Indian。 Some people regard I'm a Pakistan. And some people even considerthat I'm an Egyptian. But if I could speak English as good as an American，myfuture would be brilliant. So I work very hard.

英語演講稿7

　　大家好，我今天演講的題目是“我的夢想”。

　　每個人都有夢想，而且很好，我也不例外。我有一個小小的夢想，當我達到目標時，我會實現更多的夢想。開始，我還是個嬰兒，一心想變得很強壯，像少林寺里的孩子一樣，武功高強。但是我覺得離開父母去很遠的地方練武，辛苦，有點舍不得。小時候，我有一個夢想，我希望我有錢。大人問：小姑娘，有了錢你打算怎么辦？我要去買泡泡糖"如果你有很多錢？

　　我打算買很多泡泡糖。"如果你有錢花的話？我會買泡泡糖工廠。"天真的童年我們的確有一顆善良的心，幸福和快樂是同一首曲子。

　　慢慢進入小學，課程越來越深，知識越來越多。會感受到壓力。現在我有一個夢想。我希望我沒有；我每天沒有很多作業要做。玩的有點剝奪，而我們40%的日子都禁錮在教室里，很多時間都在學習。但是在學習面前，是一種模糊的知識。俗話說，一種罕見的`困惑。對事物的理解，從封建主義到資本主義，越大越覺得自己的觀點是正確的。每天放學回家后忙了一天一夜的課，他又困又累，吃不到深夜吃的食物。這樣的生活很單調，可能有時候會想念我的很多小學同學，有時候會帶著一節課或者一副朦朧的睡相。討厭死板的校服，我從來不到處穿。周六，周日；時間很短，孩子很想磨煉，慢慢了解生活；太難了，努力吧，夢想好了，我會努力讓每個人都生活起來，早起晚睡，把握住自己，不再松懈。我也想為他們的夢想而奮斗。

　　我的演講結束了，謝謝！

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